Page 14. For main index. For detailed index.     Glossary

'UNDP has no clothes*'
 (its arguments are too easily seen through)

A dialogue with Richard Jolly  lately, UNDP's  Senior Adviser in New York

presently, Professor Sir Richard Jolly at the Institute of Development Studies in Sussex

This page was written in 1997 after a celebrated discussion that Richard and I had in New York. For 24 hours it was on the web. Richard wanted it removed. It is now time to put it back there.

"The great success in reducing poverty in the 20th century shows that eradicating poverty in the first decades of the next century is feasible. This may seem an extraordinary ambition, but it is well within our grasp. .. About three quarters of the world's poorest people live in the rural areas, dependant on agricultural activities. For these people pro-poor growth means raising agricultural productivity  and incomes...".

UNDP's Human Development report 1997

 ...on the minute plots that so many of the rural poor now have, and their high fertility, which means that their children are going to have even less?
We argue that agricultural poverty, especially ultrapoverty,  can only be relieved by disentrapment...
                    'A clash of paradigms*'  UNDP - the 'United Nations Development Programme is the UN's senior programme. It is  therefore  fitting that   'benign uproar' should start with Richard   Jolly, who is  Senior adviser to its Administrator (director),  James Gustave Speth. In this web-page  Richard defends   the  current paradigm - that entrapment does not exist -  against  ourselves who  argue  that it does.  Richard and I have been friends ever since blissful days at Makerere* in the 1960s -  since when we have come to uphold radically different paradigms, and followed different paths, Richard to senior positions in  the UN, and myself wherever...

                        The unfortunate Richard is in a tight spot.  He has to be loyal to his chief - therefore he cannot defect.  We have therefore said to him: "Why don't you go to James Gustave Speth, and say 'I have got these terrible fellows King and Elliott round my neck - over to you, they have all the arguments, you are the boss  - you deal with them".  Loyally, he has not done this, but has born the brunt himself.

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                        James Gustave Speth, being a US citizen, would,  of course,  be in an even tighter spot.  He would have to  'shift paradigms',  and defect from the  current 'population policy lockstep'.   He would provoke much 'benign uproar' within the UN system, and if we are correct in our major hypothesis, he would also incur the great displeasure of the US State department. Therefore he too cannot defect.
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                        Should we repeat   Richard's  arguments? He has has never given us permission to do so.  We have however shown them to him and he has not replied - so far.  We think we should - in all love and in all charity, especially for the world - and, above all,  for Africa. He is, after all,  Senior Adviser to the UN senior programme. We think the world should debate UNDP's arguments and he has set them out for us.  If you think that his  arguments are 'somewhat thin' - there are not,  as far as we know, any better ones.  Our main bone of contention with UNDP is that it  expects to increase agricultural productivity sufficiently to get rural families out of poverty, when land-holdings are already so tiny in many places that this is impossible. UNDP assumes it is possible. These are the trapped communities where carrying capacity  is being exceeded, and there is no hope of migration - and no hope of adequate economic development fast enough to prevent starvation and slaughter. This crucial problem is fudged over. Its scale is awesome- probably much of a continent - and more. We argue that unless UNDP recognizes entrapment and addresses it by the methods we suggest, it has  no hope of  relieving  rural poverty, especially 'rural ultrapoverty'.
                          Lady M.  "You are very interested in the weakness of UNDP's arguments.  What do you think are the weaknesses in yours?"

                       MHK.  "Our main weakness is that we have no systematic study of the extent and severity of entrapment. We have solid data for Rwanda and Malawi, and we have the - private - opinion  of Africa's greatest demographer that much of it is trapped. The fact that we don't have systematic data is because the Hardinian taboo prevents any agency financing the necessary research - we have sought funds for a systematic survey many times".

                         Lady M"Do you think Richard is to blame for sticking to the old paradigm, and doing his best  to  paste over the  ever widening   cracks*  in it?"

                        MHK. "Of course not?   In our second paper, Legitimate double think we argued that "...Unfortunately the political tensions  surrounding entrapment are at present so great that aid agency executives must not be pressed to recognize entrapment...",  and that "...Consequently we are faced with a period of legitimate double-think  This is  legitimate because we have to recognize it, and double-think because we have to accept that the agencies cannot yet do so"   -  that is until they had been at least partly resolved by open discussion, especially in academia. That was five years ago.  Until you, dear Lady M,  came on the scene and we opened this website, the  Hardinian taboo had been  as tight as ever. Entrapment  has barely ever been discussed - not even after the Rwandan débâcle!!!*".

                                   Lady M.  "Then who is to blame?"
                        MHK.    "I would lay the blame fairly and squarely on the shoulders of Richard Horton  editor of The Lancet for not  opening up the debate on entrapment in Rwanda when he was pressed to do so, and on those of its ombudsman, Tom Sherwood.    It is high time that The Lancet had an editor who had the courage to debate the world's major dilemmas. I also discussed entrapment with Paul Demeny of the Population and Development Review, which has never  mentioned entrapment.  He had all sorts of almost equally far-fetched arguments as to why it did not exist. But I could see that his tongue was in both cheeks!*  His journal is a  publication of The Population Council  which is firmly in the population policy lockstep, so he is not a free agent. The editor of The Lancet  should however be in nobody's pocket*,  and therefore in a position to debate anything he likes".

                          "Discussion with Richard Jolly took place over a pizza in downtown New York in December 1997.  He summarized  his arguments some days later. I have scanned this in in its original bold type. Lady M also has a few things to say.  Our discussion proceeds as follows.  The better bits  are marked with '+' signs. If you later you click 'discussion'  you will be brought back here.  If you click next, argument,  you can skip quickly from one argument to another".

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The development of our ideas on entrapment

 
                    Lady M.   "Much of your disagreement with Richard Jolly stems from the fact that he fails to accept that your ideas have developed  in the eight years since you wrote that first paper, Health is a Sustainable State.   He is obsessed with the 'doctor lets sick children die',  dilemma, whereas you now regard it as only one of several, and not a major one".
                        MHK. "Our ideas have indeed developed. This outline  should not be regarded as final,  since we hope that our understanding will continue to develop".
   Our ideas have changed in that:
                          (a) We now have a formal definition of entrapment, which includes the idea of area, carrying capacity, migration, and the economy, etc.

                         (b) We focus sharply on fertility, and see 1-child families as the major solution. These are only possible in the context of a UN program for a 1-child world.

                          (c) We have explored the relationship of entrapment to the general notion of the recently named 'Hardinian taboo'- the taboo which we humans place on solving our population problems.

                         (d) We have explored the many foundations of the Hardinian taboo [now called its Demons].

                          (e) During the eight  years in which we have been studying entrapment, the focus of our attention has shifted from one of its problems to another. Their present focus is on the role of the US State Department keeping demographic entrapment taboo, in a 'population policy lockstep', presumably so as to minimize criticism of its own resource consumption. The crux of this is that the State Department is actively preventing humanity from solving its greatest problem - population. We expect that this is where the focus of our interest will remain, since it appears to be 'the heart of the matter'.

                         (f) We have become aware that the high status of 'the child' in contemporary Western liberalism is a recent phenomenon, and is not held by all cultures.

                       (g) We have examined the entrapment of Rwanda and suggested remedies.
 

                       (h) Whereas the concept of entrapment and its name, neither of which were invented by us, leads to the notion of the 'trap shutting',  we now feel that this gives the wrong impression since it implies a finality, to what is a gradual process punctured by periodic disasters - as in Rwanda.
 

                       (i) We are struck by the enormous size of the problem, and how entrapment has ramifications into almost every aspect of the human condition.

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 Our ideas  remain  the same in that:

 
                      (a) The conflict between the child and the community, which we preoccupied us in the first paper,  remains. We see it as only one of several major dilemmas. It is of marginal importance in mild entrapment, but of much greater importance in severe entrapment, especially when fertility is high, as in Rwanda.

                       (b) We hold that because public health measures for the control of childhood mortality exist, they don't - in theory - necessarily have to be applied, because they can make the condition of the community worse - marginally so in mild entrapment, severely so if entrapment is grave. In practice the dilemmas of this position are apt to be exaggerated, since under field conditions the range of possible options is limited. This is the 'doctor lets sick children die' dilemma, for which see Fred Sai's statement below.

                       (c) We have never said that not doing everything possible to prevent child mortality was either an adequate, or a desirable method of population control.

                       (d) We have never suggested that entrapment was a final process in which nothing can be done for a community, and maintain this view. We have outlined a programme for Rwanda.

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'A retirement hobby'
 
Richard Jolly . "Didn't  I hear you referring to 'disentrapment' as your "...retirement  'hobby'  ..."?        next argument

                       MHK. "Don't get too high-minded, but since you have opened up the subject, I had better tell you what I really think disentrapment is. It is what Ben, a Tunisian student in a supermarket checkout here said it is after he had browsed this website. It is  - un travail sacré - a sacred task, which is why we have used this phrase as our opening quote. After all, according to Jack Caldwell, Africa's most eminent demographer, most of the continent is trapped - in effect proceeding in much the same direction as Rwanda. What more travail sacré could one have than trying to disentrap it? To the extent that I am 'retired', and unpaid, apart from a very occasional lecture fee, it is indeed a rather expensive hobby. I have recently been telling people here in Geneva - 'C'est mon travail sacré'. This goes down very well!"

                        "I have had such a huge number of seemingly miraculous escapes from death, whereas so many of my friends have died, that I sometimes wonder if the Almighty has not specifically preserved me for this task. I sometimes feel myself sub specie aeternitatis.* 'He' is somewhere over there, 'He' and I look down on the world and are sad. One day we will meet".

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The 'doctor let sick children die' controversy
(Charles Elliott's marginal resources argument)

 
 
Richard Jolly. Do you really "...propose that children should be left to die as a means of population control...?"         This caused UNICEF, especially, enormous grief...!!!?  next argument

                        MHK. "Charles' argument  is the really important one here".

                        Charles"In practice(and this is what matters, since dilemmas only relate to practical decisions the  important  decision is: Where to put the marginal resources? These are the available funds which are not yet committed to something else.   If a country is  in the process of  entrapment, do you put them  into child survival? Or into family planning? Or into socio-economic development? I argue that  that it  makes no sense whatever  to put them into child survival, but that it is  an open question about how you would split  them between family planning and socio-economic development. I agree that: (1)  Socio-economic development usually (but by no means always)  reduces  fertility.  (2)  Socio-economic development may, at times,  have a greater effect in reducing  fertility than family planning.  (3)  Reductions in child mortality have often, but not always been followed by   reductions in fertility. The point is that they act  slowly and unpredictably.  The  countries we are most concerned about are those in which that link seems to be weakest. In these  countries, therefore, it  seems an illogical and perverse allocation decision to put resources into reducing child mortality when there are better options for reducing fertility available".

                        Charles.   "I really think we have to nail the 'letting sick children die' nonsense much more firmly. It is not an issue of letting children die. It is, as I have said above, an issue of where you put resources at the margin in order, in the longer term, to save children".
 

                        Charles.       "The point is  not that children are not valuable and valued, but that the idea that they have a pre-eminent claim on a community's resources is both Western and relatively  modern. This ties in with the allocation of marginal resources argument. It is a peculiarly modern Western notion that marginal resources should automatically go to children. We should not let our own cultural preconceptions dominate our strategic thinking about other people's cultures, where those preconceptions may not be shared.  See also.  This really says it all, so you may want to skip the next bit".
 

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                          MHK. "Let me put this problem in context. Health is a sustainable state was the first paper in the series. It opened up many of the dilemmas of entrapment, without exploring any of them adequately. I felt that I had entered a darkened room. What has since been termed 'the Hardinian taboo', had kept the light out of that room - and for most people still does. This paper was my first attempt to pull back the curtains of the taboo and let in the light. I saw one horror after another. The first horror that I came across was the conflict between the interests of the child and that of the community, which was the major theme of our first two papers (Health is a sustainable State, and Legitimate Double think. Public health and paediatrics could hardly have a greater dilemma. I now see this particular dilemma as merely one of several, particularly: (1) the human rights implications of entrapment, and  (2) its implications for Northern lifestyles and employment. Charles  and I now feel that we have  let much light into the room.   Although we have not explored its many details, we do think that we now see the general outline of demographic entrapment clearly, and feel that we have at least outlined  its major dilemmas".
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Entrapment restated

 
                        "As I have said before, entrapment is the consequence of an unfavourable conjunction of the following six major variables. It picks out these critical six  from among many  others, which help to determine whether or not a particular community will proceed to starvation and slaughter. The others include weather changes, particularly droughts, debt and terms of trade, etc. Whether or not it is valid and useful to pick out these critical six variables, when there are so many others is arguable. We argue that it is, and that it is a critically necessary way to look meaningfully at the world, and how it can be helped - with due consideration for the others. We argue, for example, that although it is vital to abolish debt, this would not by itself cure entrapment. The six  variables are":
 
  • A circumscribed area of land
  • The carrying capacity of that land
  • The population, in that area of land particularly projections of future population as determined by: births  (fertility), and  deaths (mortality).
  • Migration
  • The economy, particularly as a means of producing exports which can be exchanged for the necessary imports, particularly food.
  • Time, most critically 'the ticking of the population clock'.
                        "The common way to avoid considering entrapment is to consider only some of these six  major variables, expecting that those which have not been considered will come to the rescue, before starvation or slaughter intervene".
 

                        "We argue that while everything possible should be done to modify all  these six variables favourably (and others), the critical ones are fertility and mortality. Either fertility will come down or mortality will go up".

                        "When writing this first paper (Health is a Sustainable State) I was still gravely clouded by the Hardinian taboo myself. What has since become so obvious, even banal, is the need to reduce fertility to the point of 1-child families, and for a UN directed global program for a 1-child world.  At that time this was still tabooed in my own mind, which remained clouded by human rights problems and by the general antipathy to 'the Chinese solution'".

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                         "Hence I was left with the need to focus on mortality. I pictured in my mind the very poorest subgroup in Calcutta, where I imagined one more mouth to feed would be less for someone else. At that time we had not formally defined entrapment with the concept of carrying capacity being exceeded in a specific area, etc. So my idea of entrapment was still vague. However the notion which I had then of there being particular conditions under which "one more mouth to feed is less for someone else" still holds. It is particularly clear at the country level in Rwanda, which we argue is  tightly trapped".

                        "This is not to say that everyone in Rwanda is trapped - the elite can usually migrate. Similarly in less severely trapped communities there will be very disadvantaged subgroups, at the poorest end of the social spectrum, where 'one more mouth to feed is less for someone else', whereas this will not be the case for the better off. This was my imagined subgroup in Calcutta".

                        "What I did not see at the time was that, for a less severely trapped community, as in India as a whole, which we think is trapped,  not doing everything possible to reduce child mortality (letting sick children die) does very little to control population growth for the community as a whole. This  has to be attempted with a 1-child policy. Letting sick children die is therefor not an effective method of population control under conditions of moderate entrapment. However, for severely disadvantaged high fertility subgroups and families within that community, where one more child mouth to feed is less for someone else, child survival programmes would appear to be able to make the condition of those families and subgroups worse. The critical argument here is of course Charles'  marginal resources argument".

                        "As to whether India is or is not trapped, we argue that it is, in that it can just feed itself now if the monsoon is good, but its population is set to about double and water is now a greater constraint than land".

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                         "Health is a sustainable state was written before the Rwandan genocide. There, keeping all the average mother's  children alive (8.5 in 1994, now only 6.7), by whatever means, including oral rehydration fluid, really would mean less to eat for someone else, or a corresponding increase in the propensity for slaughter, which we argue is strongly driven by population pressure. Letting sick children die under conditions of severe entrapment is a more effective means of population control, than under lesser conditions of entrapment, but it is by no means either an adequate or a desirable one. It may however be an inevitable one".

                        "In Rwanda, we argued for a crash demographic transition to 1-child families, which would have required the lifting of the Hardinian taboo and the recognition of entrapment by academia, the UN agencies, academia and the Catholic church, and by the community, accompanied by massive development aid tied to locally agree objectives. We also argued that the dialogue should at least have been opened, which it never has been. [Note I have since been able to open the 1-child dialogue see]. The Hardinian taboo had fallen on The Lancet which rejected our paper on Rwanda (An open letter to Carol Bellamy)".

                        "Is this a satisfactory answer? I argue that in the first paper, Health is a Sustainable State I understood entrapment situation  incompletely rather than having got it totally wrong, and that the second paper Legitimate double think  amplified our position and completed it on this point. In that paper we argued that, since there are only dilemmas when there is some choice of action, the dilemmas are: (1)  Where you spend the money - on family planning or on child survival? This is Charles' marginal resources argument above. (2)  Who does the deciding - 'them' the community, or us, 'the agency'".

                        "Assuming that one had massive aid for Rwanda, where would one spend it, knowing that the more children one kept alive, the tighter the 1-child programme would have to be? And knowing also that, as the result of demographic momentum, even if all females from then on had 1-child only, the population would continue to increase substantially.       So it  might have to be a programme for 0.5 children (or less).    There is a real conflict here between the interests of the child and the community. I argue that just because methods for child survival exist, they don't always have to be applied - because  under certain circumstances, of which Rwanda is one, keeping them alive would make the condition of the community worse. Using Charles' argument, this would be a bad use of marginal resources".

                        "In practice the dilemma would  be more theoretical than real, because there would not be the funds to do everything possible for child care, so the dilemma would not be so stark. The dilemma would however remain - How much to spend on family planning, how much on other aspects of development, and how much on child care? (Charles' marginal resources argument yet again). A further factor which would make the dilemma more theoretical than practical is that,  'on the ground',  it would be heavily influenced by 'practical politics' locally, in what was demographically optimum would take second place. Incidentally, what the community decide - after the options have been adequately made clear to them - must be taken as final".

                        Lady M.         "I  am going to add a question of my own. "Don't you think that you should so change society that children born should be assured of food, schooling, and a job etc.?"

                        "Fred Sai (see below) remarked that, if children are to be kept alive  it must be for a life worth living. For the children in the Indian subgroup  that I have just mentioned it is all but impossible. For the nearly seven children of the average Rwandan mother, it is quite impossible. Much as though one would like to promote development rapidly,  it cannot be changed fast enough, to cope with such high fertility. In the reality, the present conditions of the trapped appear to be getting worse, not better. For a total fertility of nearly seven, there is an impossible way to go to give every Rwandan child a decent life".

                        Lady M.          "Don't you think that you had better come clean and admit that you 'got it wrong' in your first paper?"

                        MHK.      "No, I would say that I (inevitably) got it incomplete. Whatever may or may not be the case for the conflict between the interests of the child and subgroups in the community in India, it is rock hard in Rwanda. There is also Charles' marginal resources argument -  yet once more!"

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Racism,  a 'we-them' view of the world

 
Richard Jolly.     Don't you think that "the very proposal (that children should be left to die) would have an extremely nasty appeal to some people in your richer countries... a racist appeal?" next argument

                       MHK.     "The fact that the world's races are trapped unequally is an unfortunate accident of history. Knowing that they are trapped and proceeding to starvation and slaughter, without doing anything to help them,    even to the point of not opening the dialogue, is surely much more 'racist' than trying to think the problem through -and do all we possibly can to help them".

Richard Jolly. "...Don't you think that the recognition of entrapment which depends on encouraging a "we and them" view of the world, they have their problems (which we don't) and they must think the unthinkable, the drastic action of letting sick children die..." next argument

                        MHK. "'They' do indeed have problems which 'we' don't. We don't want them to recognize their problems, because if they do, they will insist that we alter our lifestyle. By keeping the Hardinian taboo firmly in place we prevent them from recognizing their problems - and questioning our lifestyle. We also prevent them from recognizing that there is a conflict between the interests of their children,  and their communities - which they should think through, and we should do everything possible to help them with".

                      "Paradoxically, it is not recognizing entrapment which encourages a we/them attitude. After all it was The Lancet's ombudsmanTom Sherwood, who in supporting Richard Horton, the editor, that it need not debate the dilemmas of entrapment, referred to it as a mere 'third world dilemma'    [1]- implicitly as 'their' business, not 'ours'. We argue strongly that it is our business - the very reverse of your 'we-them' argument".

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Motives, publicity
Richard Jolly. I feel that you sometimes use "...what I feel are disingenuous (having secret motives, insincere, OED) disclaimers "Oh how it pains me to draw attention to such terrible dilemmas..." Next argument

                        MHK.   "Motives are always difficult. I argue that if as a practitioner in tropical public health, one comes across something like entrapment (actually there is nothing like it) then one is morally bound to 'dig', to try to tease it out. If one finds horrible dilemmas, then one has to point them out. Quite honestly I do find them excruciating".

                        ` Richard Jolly."The truth is that I feel that you (and Charles ?) Are in some bizarre way attracted to its promotion, precisely because it is so shocking (but also because it guarantees some publicity, or at least it did so initially)". next argument

                             MHK. "...attracted to its promotion". "We regard the 'entrapment/Northern lifestyle/ US State Department/ population problem' as the most crucial human issue at the present time. We are therefore inevitably attracted to its promotion in the sense that seeing it, we have to try to do something about it".

                         MHK.  "...because it guarantees some publicity..." "Initially, I never thought about publicity. If one writes something one likes to put it in a journal which is read, hence The Lancet (before the Hardinian taboo had fallen upon it!). My first experience of publicity was the assistant editor of The Lancet, Imogen Evans, ringing me up the day before its publication saying "Do you realize what the media are going to do to you?" I had not previously thought about it, but I said "Yes" grimly. The following day the phone started going before 9 am and I was 'on the media' all day, ending up on Sky television. The Times   and the Guardian ran banner headlines "Doctor says Let sick children die". It was the most horrible day of my life. But media interest quickly passed. All I got from the vice-chancellor was a grimace, which says much for the academic freedom of this splendid university - the University of Leeds, of which I have the honour of still being a Research Fellow".
 

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                        "What had happened was that, in the editorial that accompanied the paper the The Lancet had printed the key phrase from the paper without discussing the dilemmas. The editorial was all that most journalists read. Retrospectively, I think I was 'set up' by The Lancet, but I was far too scared at the time to accuse them of any such thing".

                      "The publicity that the paper got was rather useful, and it did at least start a wide debate. The pity is that the account of entrapment that the paper gave was - inevitably at that stage - incomplete".

               "Now we really do want publicity. If one's objective really is to lift the Hardinian taboo and so modify southern fertility and northern lifestyles - to achieve behaviour change globally -  then one has to have publicity. So we are not in the least ashamed about it. However as soon as the taboo starts to lift, and there is nothing that can be better done by someone else, I shall retire to the contented obscurity of my workshop".
 

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"Shocking thoughts"
Richard Jolly.     It seems to me that "...as I hope Charles will agree, not every shocking thought must be thought, let alone promoted..." next argument

                       MHK.  "We hold that, shocking or not, academia and the UN agencies must face reality and think it. The reality is that there are situations of severe entrapment in which one more child mouth to feed is less for someone else, and with it an increased propensity for slaughter. If the response to reality requires widespread action, then that reality has to be promoted".

Richard Jolly."...nor are the many who object to be treated as secretly agreeing, but being unwilling to admit the point in public..." next argument

              MHK.  "Most people have never heard of entrapment and remain in blissful ignorance. Many who have heard of it, assume that one or more of the six variables above (commonly economic development), will solve the problem and prevent starvation and slaughter when there is no reasonable hope of it doing so, as in Rwanda or Malawi. Many people know perfectly well what is going to happen, as does The Lancet's ombudsman, Tom Sherwood,  who considers it a mere 'third world dilemma', and by implication no concern of 'ours'. Some are strongly in our camp and want to see entrapment recognized and minimized. How many there are in each of these groups we have no means of knowing".

               "We should not forget that, if population policy is 'marching in lockstep', it requires great moral courage on the part of established demographers, and aid agency executives, especially senior ones, to break ranks and change sides, especially if they are in strong institutional positions. It is much easier for us non-demographers to do so, but our voices are correspondingly weaker. Our correspondence would indicate that there are many who agree with us, and that their main difficulty is in finding some means of expressing themselves".

                Richard  Jolly . "...in the eight or ten years or so in which you have been promoting these ideas, I cannot think of one person, not one, who even remotely has indicated to me that they think you are right but dare not admit it in public..." next argument
 

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                     MHK.     "In that case you had better come and have a look into my files, and read my email. If one has strong opinions and is eminent and in a position of power, it is the very unusual person indeed who will face opprobrium* - and a bitter argument - by openly      disagreeing and saying what he really thinks, since he stands to lose much by doing so. I would prefer, and indeed should not, name names, since this would, among other things, alter political (power)  relationships, and you would know who was 'us' and who was 'them' - in quite other ways in which this idiom is used elsewhere in this paper. How do you think one of your subordinates would fare if he agreed with us?"

               "Ask Jack Caldwell, Africa's most eminent demographer, he will tell you - privately - that most of that continent is trapped".

               "I will make two more exceptions. Both are 'above politics;' and both happen to be African. Needless to say, I was initially somewhat anxious as to what they might say".

               "Fred Sai said in effect: "What is all the fuss about, we have always been letting children die" -  in the sense that in not helping them when we could was to have let them die. Any frivolous expense, even on a cup of coffee, lets children die, when the money to buy it might have been given to Oxfam for its child survival programmes".

               "Ransome Kuti recounted how,  as Minister of Health, he had taken his President round a Nigerian village overflowing with children. The President had remarked "What on earth are we going to do with all these children?" A Nigerian President asked that question and his minister of health repeated it. Jim Grant of UNICEF could never have done either. If Jack Caldwell is right, these are the children of a trapped community destined for starvation and slaughter. If not these children, then their children. Ransome Kuti did not specifically agree, but he was at least open and questioning - and delighted to see me". [I shall have to get both their permission to quote them.]

               "It would be a very exceptional demographer who - openly - sided with two non-demographers and said that they were right, and who broke ranks in the 'population policy lockstep'. It is a matter of 'not one of us', and especially of 'not invented by one of us'".
 

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Imminent doom or widespread action?

 
Richard Jolly.     "...what I mostly disagree with is this sense of imminent doom, the trap about to shut (having already shut in some places or countries). It is this aspect of entrapment, indeed the very word, which then leads on to face the terrible dilemmas, to think the unthinkable, to consider one appalling act, rather than to take and encourage widespread action on a number of fronts..." next argument

                   MHK. "...indeed the very word [entrapment]..."      "We did not invent the term 'entrapment', it goes back to Nelson and Liebenstein in the 1950s, if not earlier. It is the technical term and one has to use it. I had to use my own private term for it for a year until I was told  what the agreed technical term was".

              MHK. "...the trap having already shut in some places and countries...".     "When I first studied entrapment, I did indeed use the term 'trap shutting'. I now think that the process of shutting is drawn out with particular episodes, as for example, the Rwandan genocide, and that there is no final act of shutting. Since we already have the term 'trap' it is natural to think of it shutting. If we are to think of it trap shutting, we must think of this being a slow, jerky and episodic process".

               "The use of the term 'trap shutting' it has the further disadvantage of encouraging people to think that nothing can be done. In fact much can be done - see below for our programme for Rwanda".

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               MHK. "...rather than to take and encourage widespread action on a number of fronts..." This is exactly what we do propose - even for Rwanda. The core of our proposals is that there has to be reduction in fertility to 1-child only, as part of a UN programme for a 1-child world. The community - and the government, and the UN, and the catholic church - have to see that, if starvation and slaughter is to be avoided, it has to be by means of 1-child families, accompanied by a massive programme of social development. Services have to be provided to make sure that one child survives. It is much better that the remaining five or six children should not be born. If they are born there is no way in which they can be provided with a life worth living.

                Richard Jolly. "...I think that you have being ahistorical, by ignoring those who have forecast doom on different occasions during the last two centuries, beginning with Malthus..." next argument

                MHK.     "The fact that the doomsters* are always said to have been wrong in the past does not guarantee, that they always have been wrong, or that they always will be wrong. They were right in Rwanda, which the Belgians had long considered trapped. When I confronted the demographers at Cairo with this, they all said 'Very difficult'. None would admit that the Belgians had been right".

               "Globally, I find it very difficult to be optimistic now that the rate of increase of global grain yield, which has been falling since the 1960s when it was about 3%, is now less than that of population increase which is now 1.48%, especially with the demands of China being what they are expected to be".

               "I see little point in raking over older authors. I am much more interested in what is happing now, which is why I am about to visit Malawi".
 

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Machakos

Richard Jolly.     "...the  ahistoric emphasis on population growth in your concept of 'demographic entrapment'. You consistently ignore cases like Machakos, Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Mauritius, or at the more developed end Singapore, even the Netherlands...." next argument

                  MHK. "The Machakos area of Kenya. The admirable book 'More people, less erosion' by Tiffen and Mortimore  [2] compares an area of Kenya in the 1930s  when the colonial administration were very worried by  the condition of the people and their land, with its condition in the late 1980s - 50 years later".

This is what it was like in the 1930s:

            "... The Machakos Reserve is an appalling example of a larger area of land which has been subjected to uncoordinated and practically uncontrolled development by natives whose multiplication and the increase of whose stock has been permitted, free from the checks of war, and largely from those of disease under benevolent British rule..." [!!]

                "...Every phase of misuse of land is vividly and poignantly displayed in this reserve, the inhabitants of which are rapidly drifting into a state of hopeless and miserable poverty and their land to a parching desert of rocks, stones and sand (Colin Maher 1937)...".

               "By the late 1980s there had been enormous improvement.  This improvement  is often used to support the theses: (1) That land scarcity is no constraint to population growth. (2) That the experience of Machakos, which is almost a suburb of Nairobi,   is widely replicable elsewhere. (3) That because of  the Machakos experience  entrapment does not and cannot exist. On the contrary, we argue that Machakos is itself now severely trapped".

               "Tiffen and Mortimore show that,   even in Machakos,  increased population has mostly been supported by increased area cultivated, and there is now a severe land constraint. Unfortunately, the authors do not discuss how future population is to be accommodated, since with the Kenyan total fertility of 4.85, the population of the area will certainly double, and may well then double again. With the recent re-election of President Maui for a further term, industry is reported to be closing down,  so that Nairobi is becoming a ghost town - with even fewer opportunities for employment, for those who would like to move out of Machakos".
 
 

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 "This is what they say":

              Page 5. "...the changes that occurred over half a century. During that period... the population of the District grew fivefold, ....while the area cultivated grew from about 15% of the Reserve in 1930, to between 50% and 80% in 1978..." - that is by nearly as much.

              Page 17. "...All places are unique, and perhaps few more so than Machakos, with its special combination of dryness, bimodal rainfall, altitude, relatively good access to major cities (Nairobi and Mombassa), and cultural characteristics..."

              Page 26. They are creditably honest about the weakness of some of their data, on which the title of their book "...less erosion" depends. "...For the soil, the most critical variable in our analysis, the database is weakest..."

              Page 44 "...In 1990, the population density in Muisuni was 518/km2. Leaders were worried by the tiny farms which children were inheriting, and by the increasing joblessness among the young, despite huge parental investment in school fees..."

              Page 62."...   There is no free land for occupation. As farm sizes fall, the urgency of enabling children to qualify for non-farm jobs increases, and high educational costs are forcing people to think of family limitation. In the complete absence of free land for development, one of the traditional Akamba options has been eliminated. Income generation must now come from still greater intensification on an already small farm in a difficult farming environment [our bold type], or the development of new occupations in the processing and servicing sectors of the economy..."

             Page 74. "According to the Department of Agriculture's estimates, the cultivated area grew from 56,000 ha in 1930 to 313, 000 ha (23% of the District [as distinct from the study area]) in the 1980s, a rate of growth closely comparable to that of the population..."    [our bold type]..."

                   Charles  Elliott. "You miss an important point here.  As Tiffen recognizes, Machakos survived because it  was economically and politically well-connected to Nairobi. It got more agricultural extension  (instruction and technical help for its farmers)  and more remittences* than is usual in rural Kenya.  It  therefore had a much better chance of escaping entrapment  than comparable areas which did not get political patronage or economic inflows - but even these did not prevent entrapment (see below). For me this is the knock-down argument" .

                  MHK.     "I can only conclude that, considering the limited emigration and employment opportunities for its projected population, and the condition of the rest of Kenya, far from Machakos showing that entrapment cannot exist,   Machakos is itself now severely trapped!"
 

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Why are  Singapore, etc.  not trapped

 
                MHK. Papua New Guinea.  "Glen Mola,  its  newly appointed  Professor of Reproductive Health,  told me that his first objective is to keep New Guinea out of the demographic trap. So it must at least be a possibility!"
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                MHK.   Fiji. [to follow]

               MHK. "Mauritius. In the 1950s this tiny island appeared to be demographically trapped with a rapidly growing population and a miserable, and largely agricultural population. It was disentrapped by rapid economic development and rapidly falling fertility. There was much  in its favour:  (1) It had long contact with the West and an old established educated minority.  (2) It had a useful minority of Indians and Chinese with links to their parent countries, and who enabled it to build up an internationally competitive textile sector. (3)   It was small - about a million. (4) As an island it had good communications. None of these things apply, for example to Rwanda, 1500 km from the Indian Ocean and 2000 km from the Atlantic".
 

                        MHK.   "Singapore and even the Netherlands. High population densities are no problem -  provided there is an economy to match it.       The problem is agricultural communities exceeding the carrying capacity of their local ecosystems, and their opportunities for migration, and - unlike Singapore and the Netherlands - the ability of their economies to produce the necessary exports of goods and services which can be exchanged for food and other necessities. The difficulty is sufficient economic development (especially in communities where what little there is deteriorating) - in time -before starvation and slaughter intervene -  or already have supervened, as in Rwanda. We discussed this in answering Paul Demeny's question - "Why cannot Malawi do a Malaysia?"   under the heading of the 'starting line taboo'   A more  explicit but less happy term is the 'iron age taboo'. [I now use the latter term] An agricultural  community which has only had a written language and the wheel for less than 100 years cannot be expected to have an economic take-off which is  sufficiently rapid to compensate for a total fertility of six or seven".

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  discussion
References