The educational-political aims of the West-German re-education project: democracy and equality¹.

Paper presented at the European Conference on Educational Research, University of Lisbon, 11-14 September 2002

Saila Anttonen
University of Oulu, Finland. E-mail: Saila.Anttonen@oulu.fi

Introduction: to unknown re-education

The West-German re-education and the projects of re-education has been researched very little even in the German pedagogy (Bungenstab 1970; Kellermann 1981; Heinemann 1981). This theme which is connected to the American military occupation of Germany has not been researched before 1970's (Füssl 1995, 226). The action of the Frankfurt School and Max Horkheimer for these projects of re-education has not been mentioned in any research reports. Neither the report "Institut für Sozialforschung an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main. Forschungsarbeiten" which has been published in 1999 and which also deals with the issues of the cultivation, the education and the formal education contains any information about the re-education or the formal programmes of re-education or about the participation of "Institut für Sozialforschung" and Max Horkheimer in these projects. The projects of re-education which were based on the critical theory did not concentrated on the structural development of the school system, but on the informal youth and adult education and on the international personal exchange. The most of the previous German research on re-education has been aimed at just the school system. (Füssl 1987, 201).

There is no research on this topic of the German re-education in the Finnish educational sciences (or in the other fields or sciences near to it). More has not been known about it than what I have written in my doctoral theses and in my conference paper (Anttonen 1998; Anttonen 2000). There is no discussion about the more general topic of re-education, which means the massive projects of education or even manipulation in the historical transformation periods after the collapse of the previous (often totalitarian) power regimes. The aim of such projects has mostly been the re-formation of the whole culture, the human nature and the prevailing morality.

The target of the analysis is the German re-education, especially the projects of re-education which were realised by Max Horkheimer who was the intellectual and organisational head of the critical theory in Frankfurt am Main and in the area of Hessen (see also Anttonen 1998, 232-293). The area was in the divided Germany occupied by the Americans after the World War II. The programmes of re-education has been argued to begin in the year of 1945 or 1947 according to the previous research (see for example Anweiler 1996, 106 ). According to the historical materials of Max Horkheimer -Archives the first plans and initiatives were made as early as in 1941 and in 1942 when the research projects of anti-Semitism connected with the projects of re-education were begin (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 147.1, 4; Max Horkheimer -archives IX 121.a, 1-3; Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.1-32). Furthermore, the significant research result is that the critical theory was applicated on the practical projects of education the aims of which were the mental transformation of the German human being, culture and society towards democracy, morality which respects human dignity, and world (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.14. Long range..., 1).

The third main theme of this article is the relationships of the co-operation projects of Max Horkheimer and the American Jewish Committee to the projects of re-education which were realised by the American military organisations (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.15-16). A preliminary hypothesis is that the projects of the Allied and the American military government were, clearly, "the half-militaristic" intervention to the German mentality, culture and society. For this reason, the results of these projects give reasons for the criticism. On the contrary, the co-operation projects of the American Jewish people and the German emigrants reached their goals better, because the German tradition of education/cultivation (die Bildung) and liberty functioned as their foundation. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.17.) The human beings have seldom, if ever, been succeeded to lead to education/cultivation and to liberty by coercion.

In addition of reporting the empirical results of the historical research of education and cultivation (die Bildungsforschung) the aim of the article is to argue for the following philosophical and theoretical thesis:

The anti-Semitism researches and the projects of re-education at the beginning of 1940's

The so called Frankfurt School, more exactly "the Institute of Social Research" (Institut für Sozialforschung) acted during the Second World War in New York, in the United States, where most of the members of the Frankfurt School succeed in escaping from Frankfurt am Main, from National Socialist Germany which was under Adolf Hitler's totalitarian power regime. Some of them came back to the Federal Republic of Germany after the World War II. Max Horkheimer belonged to these ones. He became very powerful person academically and socially in 1950's and 1960's. He was acting both as the leader of the re-opened "Institut für Sozialforschung" and the rector of the J.W. Goethe - university. He had a great social and political influence on the democratisation of the German society by leading these projects of democratising re-education and by presenting in publicity views on the necessity to reform German culture and tradition of education/cultivation (die Bildung). He was named as the honour citizen of the city of Frankfurt am Main, too.

The preliminary plans of Max Horkheimer's projects of re-education and the researches of anti-Semitism begun at the United States in 1941 and in 1942. Then begun the co-operation with the American Jewish Committee, AJC. It lasted to 1960's and 1970's. The co-operative, empirical research project of anti-Semitism between AJC and Institute of Social Research which was also financed by both was used as the theoretical basis for the programs of attitude education in the projects of re-education. The research of anti-Semitism proved that anti-Semitism as the phenomenon was not only typical for the German society and culture where it anyway got sick and pathological forms as the camps of death and as the mass murders of the Jewish people. Furthermore, as the results of the anti-Semitism research was proved that the reasons of the anti-Semitism and the persecutions of the Jews were above all economical - they were legitimated, anyway, by the cultural factors and especially by religion. The appropriation of the property of the Jews was legitimated by arguing that the Jews were the dishonest deceivers and "the killers of Jesus". The researches of anti-Semitism recommended that the German culture should be effected on so that anti-Semitism will be abolished. Re-education of the Germans was proposed as the mean already at the beginning of 1940's. (Max Horkheimer -archives II 2, 316-319; Max Horkheimer -archives IX 93, 1-3; Max Horkheimer -archives IX 121.a. 1-7, 27-34.) It gained in some views presented in the American publicity even the forms of "the brainwashing" of the German mind (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times Magazine, February 17, 1946, 44; Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times February 18, 1946, 3).

"We must realize, too, that its causes lie deeply buried in the twisted education that was carried on over a period of centuries. Perhaps we should try to resolve the split, to merge the two personalities into one, to melt down the different elements and pour them into a new mold;..." (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times Magazine, February 17, 1946, 44.)

"Specially screened groups of German prisoners of war, who have undergone an intensive democratisation process during they stay in the United States, are now being returned to their homes to aid in the denatzification programm, ..." (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times February 18, 1946, 3.)

The more moderate plans of the AJC and the Institute of Social Research presented, however, the democratisation of the German mentality and society as the goals. This must start already during the war as far as possible. When war will be over the democratising re-education should be intensified. Already at the beginning of 1940's the Allied were convinced that they would win the War. The materials of Max Horkheimer -archives proves that the intellectuals of the Frankfurt School co-operated with the American and Allied military and political leaders. These were the channels for realising the project already during the World War II. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 92.1-8.)

"The downfall of the regime cannot be expected to aradicate the effects of National Socialist education automatically or to make German youth immediately susceptible to the democratic way of life. Post-war reconstruction will require a new planned system of education that will gradually remove the psychological roots of National Socialism and prepare the ground for the acceptance of democratic patterns."(Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.27, 4.)

Plans and aims of the projects of re-education

The first plans for re-education and the programs of re-education of the Germans were made in the United States at the beginning of 1940's. The aims of the co-operation plans of the so-called Frankfurt School and the AJC were mainly similar to those of the military organisations. The most general aim was the transformation of the German society and culture democratic. This meant the democratisation of the German society for this purpose that Germany will not any more become the military threat to the world peace nor the Allied states: to the Great-Britain, to the France and to the United States. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.27.) The Soviet Union and the East Germany were the own factors in this process, but this will not be dealt in this article.

The aims of the re-education became later more exact when the War was ending and after that. They were defined as military, economic, cultural, cultivational, educational and moral. The military and economic goals were the restoration of economy, the demolishing the military force of the German society and the de-natzification. As cultural and educational aims were presented the formation of the democratic mentality, the international and citizenship education, education of peace and the formation of new moral consciousness - the moral consciousness which were purified from the national socialist ingredients. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.16.) The some statements however craved the weakening of the economic and military power of Germany, especially the de-industrialisation of the military production because the Allied were worried about the strengthening of Germany (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15, The New York Times Magazine, March 31, 1946, 10, 60,61).

Although the projects of the Allied were experienced among the German population as the continuation of the War by peaceful means - as the Cold War - their military, cultural, educational and moral components were however accepted without opposing for economical reasons or because of the Marshall-aid. The aid from the United States was necessary for many German people after the World War II when the civil population was even suffering from famine at the Frankfurt am Main. The Black-Market and the prostitution were rife. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.15, 3; Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.16, 2.)

The situation in the end of 1940's: the American soldiers, the critical intellectuals and the re-education

In 1945, in 1946 and in 1947 the projects of re-education and the programs of re-training were realised through the divided state of Germany. The American, the British, the French and the Russian soldiers re-educated the German people. The projects which Max Horkheimer organised were carried on in Frankfurt and in the area of Hessen, which was occupied by the Americans. This explains the matter that Frankfurt am Main maybe is one of the most American cities of Europe nowadays, too. Also, Max Horkheimer's projects co-operated with the Americans - both with the military personnel and the Jewish people.

The first estimations and suspicions about the possibilities of success were already stated in 1947. These were not very encouraging, but argued that re-education was failed to educate the democratic German citizen and the formation of the democratic society (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 147.1, 27).

"But democratisation has not made much headway under military occupation. Aside from the fact that the social and economic stratification of German society to all practical intents and purposes has been frozen at Third-Reich levels, democratisation -- particularly the establishment of a democratic way of life and democratic processes of thought -- encounters a formidable obstacle in military rule itself." (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 147.1, 27-28.)

The morals of the Germans were further criticised in the American newspapers. The projects were however continued, although there were suspected in the American public discussion that the Germans will never learn the proper American democracy and that they will never become morally right acting human beings and citizens. (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15, The New York Times Magazine, March 31, 1946, 10, 60, 61; Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. The New York Times, Tuesday, March 26, 1946, 16.)

The practice of re-education, the silence of morality and the economic growth in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1950's

Both the children and the adults were the targets of re-education. As the goals were set in the both cases to educate the democratic citizen and to effect on the formation of the democratic society. For reaching these aims the training and education were organised both in the Federal Republic of Germany and in the United States where the significant persons of educational and social institutions were sent to the travels for studying and doing research. Also, the teacher education was re-organised in the democratic spirit of re-education. The de-natzification or abolishing the National Socialist personnel was functioning through the whole system of education. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.16, 20; Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.14.) However, the results were not covering, but the great part of the National Socialists continued their action in the new social situation - as the Re-educated and asserting their democratic and non-anti-Semitic attitudes (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times February 18, 1946, 3).

About the near past were not talked in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1950's, but there existed the deep silence of morality about Auschwitz and the other concentration camps (Max Horkheimer -archives V 35.22). The international press, however, discussed them further in the United States, in France and in the Great Britain (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII.15; Max Horkheimer -archives XVII.16). The significant matter was and is, that the international (or in any case the American) scientific and public discussion manifests that the Western world knew about the persecution of the Jews and the criminal events of the concentration camps already during the War, as the following citation of the scientific writing from the year 1943 (Max Horkheimer -archives IX.147.6, 9):

"2) Rehabilitation of minorities.

Free transportation of displaced peoples to their former places of residence, if those peoples wish to return.

Free medical and psychiatric care for those whom persecution has harmed either physically or emotionally.

c) In cases of incurable harm done by persecution: 1) Death: Indemnities to dependents or other living relatives. 2) Sterilization: Indimnites to the victims. 3) Blindness, psychotic conditions, or other semi-permanent disabilities: Indemnities and free medical care and occupational therapy until the victims can again take their place in society."

There are no reasons to argue that the Western world would not have known about the concentration camps and about it that there were murdered millions of Jews. So that to load the moral pack on the shoulders of the German civil population according to the thesis of collective guilt is not justified. If there are reasons to take collectively responsibility for guilt, the whole Western world should do so in any case in the sense of the metaphysical, perhaps also in the sense of moral guilt. (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.14.)

When we are examining the moral situation of the world on this epoch, it is necessary to analyse critically the plans and the projects of the American and the Allied military organisations. The basic assumption was that the American democracy should be set as the goal for developing the German democracy and morality. Two factors were left without consideration. There were lots of problems in the American "universal" and military morality. The atom bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were morally very problematic acts especially when very much was known about the consequences of these acts before hand (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 32 The Nation, December 22, 1945, 718). The experiments of the atom bombs and asking after the moral issues concerning them in 1950's became however covered in a sensation concerning the morals of the Germans and Auschwitz, which continued through 1960's to 1970's (Max Horkheimer -archives XV 124). It is true that the discussion about the morality was justified, but unfortunately often very propagandistically.

The Germans falled silent on their nearest past, tried on cleaning and renewing their international image and intensively charged to the economic and technological reconstruction and growth. Everything begun from the point zero after the War: for example the city of Frankfurt were partly ruined. The many social institutions, for example the institutions of education and the universities must be re-opened after the War. The economic and technological growth of Germany was so huge, that it is grounded to speak about the economic miracle of Germany. Also, the restoration of the universities and the scientific traditions was so amazing in the West-Germany of 1950's and 1960's that it is grounded to speak about the German miracle of science and university.

The epoch of democracy: from the re-education to the autonomous education for the equality and the re-newed morality

1960's could be called in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany for example as the age of Konrad Adenauer, as the age of student radicalism or as the age of democracy. In any case 1960's was in the history of West Germany the decade, when the goasts of the past were digged from their graves. Especially, the re-evaluation of the values and morals broke the silence which prevailed over the past.

There was not agreement about the nature and the effects of the past on the present between the Americans and the Germans. The Americans were in opinion that Germany and the Germans were further militarist, striving for the lordliness of the world and Europe and representing the morals of the stronger. The plans of the 1940's even craved that the trials of the Germans to strengthen their position in Europe and worldwide should be prevented: strong Europe - weak Germany (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.26.) True, some reports of the 1940's proposed opposite, but the economic and political state of Germany was nowhere near as strong as it was in the 1960's (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 172.17, 110-113).

The Germans defined themselves so that they worked hard for the restoration of their country and for becoming independent from the aid becoming outside. Furthermore they presented two central political aims which both were a part of the political development of the German society from its own cultural and edificational standpoints. The unification of Europe was seen necessary because of the development of democracy. Germany wanted to become a democratic member of the unified Europe. (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 16 Bullettin, Bonn im Juni 1958. Gerhard Schröder.) The attitudinal remarks of the Americans about this development become understandable in this context that the goal of the Americans was to make sure the de-natzification of the German society by strengthening the American democracy. The statements about "the Americanisation" (die Amerikanisierung) of the German society are not just chating. The unification trials of two Germanies became from the perspective of the Germans from their own cultural tradition according to which there existed one unified Germany which would not be divided to the zones. The view of the Germans on the democratisation was different from the American ones: there were ingredients for the parliamentarian democracy in the practices of the Weimarian republic. The cultivation (die Bildung), education and training were seen as the important factors in the development of democracy. The foundations of the projects became from the strong own Bildung-tradition (the tradition of cultivation) of the Germans. The American effects remained very minor at the end. (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 16. Rheinischer Merkur Nr 33/10. August 1951, 4.)

Just these tensions explain the fact that Max Horkheimer's projects of re-education reached their goals in the Federal Republic of Germany of 1960's better than the military projects. The critical theory and the moral principles effected above all through the student radicalism which had the significant effect on the development of university democracy and the democratisation of the whole society (Max Horkheimer -archives XV 55). Especially, the Left radicals who were engaged in the neo-Marxian critical theory protested against their capitalistic parents and their double standards of morality and values. The suspections of the deceiving the National Socialist morals in the machinery of the miracle of economy seem justified (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 17 Bullettin, 7. März 1963).

Furthermore, the self-education (and autonomous cultivation) which reached the morality of the Germans included in the project of commemorative work about which above all the psychoanalysts and the psychiatrists have been capable to write (Alexander Mitscherlich -archives; M. & A. Mitscherlich 1969; M. Mitscherlich 1993). It was for the many Germans a project of self-guiltiness and collective guilt which produced genuinely new kinds of moral convictions. This collective mourning work also produced the moral view which the mothers of the fallen German sons in the World War II were already earlier expressed in their mourning. The most of the German civil population and especially these fallen young boys were the victims of the National Socialist system - only very little, if at all themselves morally responsible for their acts. It is not justifiable to interpret my argument so that actually nobody would be morally and juridically responsible for the crimes, even the crimes against humanity under the National Socialist system, but behind them would be just anonymous and faceless system. Each individual personally was morally and juridical responsible for their own acts which contributed to the function of the system as far as the limit of the Right and the Wrong has been defined according to the morality of the human rights and the respect of the dignity of all people. The responsibility reaches to the limit which the each power system defines. The dignity as the human being and the preservation of own life form the point which the individual need not to overcome or to sacrifice her/himself in the fight against the system insulting the human rights nor to set her/himself as the individual for moral responsibility for not acting.

The Germans autonomously restructured their system of society which was up to standard of the Western democracies in 1960's. The radical student movement and the intensive pluralisation of the German culture because of the increased immigration produced to the development of democracy a new aspect: the claims for social, cultural and educational equality. (Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 51. Die Deutsche Schule 1958, 264-267). The emancipation of women as a part of student radicalism remoted the craves for the equal possibilities to education, cultural influentalness, social status, autonomous position in working life and living, and equal sexuality.

The unlimited immigration made the German society multicultural. This tendency promoted the claims of different cultural spheres for equal possibilities to education, work and similar standard of living to the Germans. The unlimitedly increased amount of the immigrants already was one part of the project of democratisation of the German society. Its central goal was to make the image of the Western Germany better in the eyes of the other Western countries. For the American programmes of the education of tolerance surely was the social order in this situation (Max Horkheimer -archives IX 141.23). They helped to accept the transformation of society to multicultural one. The National Socialist past explains the reasons why all immigrants were accepted. The official policy would like to convince that there was no distorted nationalism in new Germany. The other explaining factor was the need for the foreign workers. The German society really became more like the American in this sense. The structures and designs of multicultural, liberalist society of competition were created. The problems became evident later.

Finally, the Germans realised themselves the projects of re-education and democratisation which leaded to the results. Also, the changes of the moral consciousness were the products of the projects of self-education (for example Max Horkheimer -archives XV 55). The most important influential factor was collective commemorative and mourning work which leaded such moral rebirth that similar to it was not seen in any other European or American state (M. Mitscherlich 1993). The far-reaching, foundamental moral self-education was left unfinished - the hard values of the markets further dominate over the German society. The new moral consciousness of the representatives of the alternative life style movements with the ecological emphasis indeed is one aspect of the German society of consumption. Such morals sell nowadays surprisingly well, too.

Transformation of power to morality at "the moment of zero"

I don't argue that the military command of the Allied, the American Jews or the critical intellectuals of Frankfurt would somehow represent the right morality. But, I argue that the National Socialist ideology of morals which emphasised the Aryan lordliness (die Herrschaft) and the lower rank of several ethnic and political groups fundamentally was distorted, brutal power which diminished the human dignity. So, it does not fulfil the criteria of morality in the serious sense. Especially not in the case that morality will be defined as the collective, established and fairly permanent system of values and norms which should be compatible with the principles of the general human rights for earning the general acceptance and intersubjective recognition. Wolfgang Mitter (1996, 1) defines the cultural and moral universalism as the conception of the world according to which the certain moral principles should be binding for the whole humanity.

I do not argue that power would become after World War II or "at the moment zero" in some significant way more moral than before in the history of the Western societies. Anyway, it is grounded to state that power at that time very strongly fastened just to morality and even in its special case which has been defined above: to the moral principles which demands general acceptance and recognition which have been expressed for example in the declaration of the general human rights. These principles were central in the programs of re-education which were aimed at democratising the German human and society. In this sense power fastened to morality, even transformed above all to morality to such extent that it is grounded to present a thesis that power got the form of the morality which demanded the universality after "the moment zero". The more general defining of morality according to the principles of the human rights became possible when the Allied occupied the National Socialist Germany.

The transformation of morality to power 20 years after that

The substitution of the National Socialist code of morality by the morality which was based on the general human rights and the democratic principles and which was educated in the re-education programmes craved time. The moral purification and mourning work of the 1960's penetrated the German culture. It was significant for the establishing the democratic order of society. Expressly, the morality transformed to power which had effects on the establishment of the German democracy 20 years after "the moment zero".

I do not argue that the re-education of the German population did not promote the democracy and even equality. I am involved in stating on the basis of the materials of the Max Horkheimer -archives which I have researched the effects of the re-education projects of the Allied were minor to these of the co-operation projects of the American Jews and the German critical intellectuals. One explaining factor is that they were based on the German neo-Marxian tradition of Bildung (education and cultivation), which already was a part of the collective consciousness of the groups which were opposite to the National Socialists. The problems of the re-education and democratisation projects which tried to effect on the German society outside of it were above all moral. The half-military intervention to the German culture and "mind" raises the question of the moral justification of such action from the perspective of the objects of it. True, the resistance was offered.

The condition of the transformation of power to morality is that people absorb this power which has been transformed to morality into their moral consciousness. The condition of the transformation of morality to power is that the collective moral consciousness of people will become so strong that it has force to reproduce the whole culture, even the society. I argue that the permanent effects cannot be obtained by coercion. The precondition of the transformation of power to morality is the self-education process of the human being. In some cases it is possible to replace it by manipulation which changes to the self-manipulation. I argue that the effects of such manipulation are not of long duration. The morality transforms to power when the autonomous self-education of people transforms to the collective state which can be defined as edification and cultivation (die Bildung) at its best. The characteristics of die Bildung are that it produces the morality which has been transformed to the morality which promotes the human dignity and the human rights.

The optimistic philosopher who hopes for the survival of the humanity could even argue that the mind of the human being and its collective effect on the development of the history will gradually espouse and promote such education and cultivation (die Bildung) which will transform to power such morality which will promote the human dignity and the human rights. The cynical philosopher whose cynicism comes from the historical facts and events states neutrally that by morality has always been exercised power, even misused it. True, the optimistic counter argument is that the misuse of power has promoted immorality. Just this has before long produced the situation and the point at which power transforms to morality.

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Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times Magazine, February 17, 1946. Brig. Gen. Edwin L. Sibert. The German Mind: Our Greatest Problem, 7,42-44.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. New York Times, February 18, 1946. Re-educated Nazis being sent home, 3.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. The New York Times Magazine, March 31, 1946. Only a Start in Re-educating the Germans. Drew Middleton. 10, 60, 61.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 15. The New York Times, Tuesday, March 26, 1946. U.S. Psychology fails in Germany, 16.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 16. Rheinischer Merkur Nr 33/10.August 1951. Geistige und moralische Verwilderung in Westdeutschland, 4.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 16 Bullettin, Bonn im Juni 1958. Die innenpolitischen Voraussetzungen der Wiedervereinigung. Von Dr. Gerhard Schröder, Bundesminister des Innern.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 17 Bullettin, Bonn, 7. März 1963. Der Rechtradikalismus in der Bundesrepublik. Nr. 42/S.381.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 32. The Nation, December 22, 1945, "We turned the Switch" by Leo Szilard, 718.

Max Horkheimer -archives XVII 51. Schule, Politische Bildung, Erziehung, Kinder-, Jugendlichen- und Erwachsenenbildung. Die Deutsche Schule. Erziehung entscheidet unser Schicksal. Ein Manifest. Juni 1958, 264-267

Alexander Mitscherlich -archives. Margarete and Alexander Mitscherlich 1969. Fathers and Fatherhood. The original English manuscript.

Notes:

1. I publish in this article the preliminary results of the research project which was financed by the Academy of Finland and the Finnish Cultural Foundation in 2000-2001. I am grateful except to these organisations also to the director of the Max Horkheimer -Archiv Jochen Stollberg and to dr. emer. prof Wolfgang Mitter acting in the Deutsches Institut für Internationale Pädagogische Forschung.

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