This paper addresses the question of how new constructivist and deconstructivist-inspired debates in educational science affect the educational perspective on girls and which challenges they generate.

A look at the past reveals that in response to forceful demands made by researchers working in the field of Women's and Gender Studies, new approaches to sociological research on adolescence have been adopted in the 1970s. On the one hand these new scientific approaches increasingly focused on girls as objects of study; on the other hand they explored the role of gender identity in everyday actions of adolescents. Hence the former assertion that adolescent research is actually research on boys is no longer true. In recent years quite a number of empirical and theoretical papers on the challenges girls (but not boys) are exposed to in childhood and adolescence have been published.

Some studies, for instance, have pointed to the problem of the cultural blend of femininity with the ideal of romantic love – an ideal implying that women should forego their own interests and only be there for others (Hessische Mädchenstudie 1986; Helfferich 1994:124). Moreover, relevant studies also point to the fact that the standardizing effect of cultural beauty ideals which suggest that a woman's attractiveness to others is a natural female attribute, makes girls in early adolescence who undergo physical changes feel uncertain and inhibits them (cf. Haug 1988, Stein-Hilbers 2000:50). According to these studies youth is especially linked to coping with social norms of gender – a phenomenon which – particularly with girls - involves the risk of developing feelings of uncertainty and of voluntary self-restriction. Although it can be generally stated that adolescence is a period during which young people disengage from their family and assume more independence and responsibility (Hurrelmann/Rosewitz/Wolf 1985:15), it must also be pointed out that with girls these processes conflict with the ideal of womanhood, i.e. with being therefor others and orienting by standards set by others. This is the reason why many girls describe their adolescence as a period that is marked by an attachment crisis (Brown/Gilligan 1997), by self-restriction and the loss of self-confidence (summarized in: Flaake 1998:44ff).

It is not our intention to challenge these findings which have been confirmed in numerous studies. However, in the light of recent theoretical debates on this issue we consider it insufficient to exclusively view adolescent girls as a target of normative attributions and as a group that is per se disadvantaged and passive.

In international Cultural Studies and – increasingly – in German-language scientific publications on childhood developments children and adolescents are described as active producers of their own styles of culture. Constructivist and deconstructive approaches that have been adopted in Women's and Gender Studies have sharpened the awareness of the production of gendered meanings in everyday life. In this sense it seems appropriate to conduct analyses which not only proceed on the assumption that girls are active producers of youth culture and full of pleasurable sensations but also to explore their active and creative dealing with the cultural norms they face.

Given this target Kristina Hackmann and Bettina Fritzsche will in the following present two empirical studies which they carried out to explore how the issues of gender, sexuality and desire are dealt with in groups of girls. Following these statements, Jutta Hartmann will discuss the new challenges for educational research and practice by also taking the findings of theoretical and discourse-analytical studies she conducted herself into account.

This contribution is based on an empirical study (Hackmann 2003) I carried out to explore those coping processes that typically occur during adolescence: dealing with two-genderedness and the standard norm of heterosexuality. For an analysis of the coping processes of adolescent girls which - among other things - are marked by active search moves between the dichotomous poles of 'male' and 'female' and of 'homosexual' and 'heterosexual', I suggest to adopt a multi-perspective-approach and to combine different methods in an analysis of the processes‘.

The empirical study of a group of girls, aged 11-12, in early adolescence, was designed to explore the dynamics and processes in this group. The group of girls studied was a working team I had set up at a comprehensive middle school and taught for 18 months. Since there was no fixed subject matter, the girls were free to choose the topic they wanted to work on. They decided to produce a video and drafted the script themselves. The film - Girl Power - was about two gangs of girls who hate each other: the 'Black Outs', who are interested in basketball and Gangsta Rap and who wear wide trousers, hooded jumpers and sneakers, and the 'Modern Girls', who put on make-up, wear tight tops and trousers and platform shoes, who constantly talk about boys and admire the Back Street Boys. When one of the Modern Girls is kidnapped by a man in black during a concert of the Back Street Boys, the two gangs get together to rescue the girl. After the kidnapped girl has been rescued, the two gangs become friends.

The data material I analysed comprised the recordings made in class documenting the making of the video, i.e. the discussions about the script and about how to deal with specific scenes as well as the 35-minute video itself.

The theoretical approach adopted was on the one hand based on a constructivist view on gender and on the assumption that the general theory on gender is linked with the societal norm of heterosexuality. On the other hand recent psychoanalytical studies on adolescence, e.g. the one conducted by Karin Flaake (2001), which highlight the prevalence of subconscious wishes and fantasies in adolescent behavior were also considered. The findings show that adolescence is not only marked by physical changes and the appearance of the menarche, but also by the search for something new and by experiencing sexual arousal, desires, and potentials. The interest in new things is inseparably linked to the social definitions and evaluations of the physical changes and it also influences behavioural patterns.

Against this background it becomes obvious why linking a constructivist approach with a psycholanalytical perspective is viewed as an appropriate method: If the subconscious mind influences social practices, it seems necessary to analyse the functioning of the social practices for their procedural details, i.e. ‚how‘ do social practices, which are part of the interactions among girls, proceed; furthermore the latent associations they contain and the subconscious structures influencing these social practices must be explored. Adopting this approach seems to be particularly meaningful in the analysis of a developmental stage at which societal conceptions of gender and sexuality are redefined under the influence of physical changes. Such an approach which analyses individuals from different perspectives is basically a 'not-only-but-also' approach: gender is not only viewed as a cultural, linguistic and political issue but it is also considered to be of outstanding importance at the individual and the emotional level; one perspective is not played off against the other.

Given these findings, I opted for an ethnographic research strategy (cf. Amann/ Hirschauer 1997) and applied two different methods in the analysis: ethnomethodological conversation analysis (cf. e.g. Deppermann 1999) - a linguistic approach which looks into how conversations and interactions proceed, what purpose they have and how they highlight gender and the societal norm of heterosexuality - and depth hermeneutics, (cf. e.g. Belgrad 1996 and König 1997) which is a suitable approach to capture the societal conceptions of gender and sexuality and the related fantasies which the girls use in their conversations.

This triangular approach provides the possibility to bring out not only the processes of 'doing gender' and of 'doing-heterosexuality‘ but also some of the fantasies the girls have about gender and sexuality, to reconstruct their interplay and also to retrace developments within the group.

The adolescent coping processes I observed in the group of girls studied were marked by repeated shifting from homosexual to heterosexual desires and fantasies, by efforts to cope with one's own desires - which may also be linked to aggression and violence - by efforts to cope with different traits that are either defined as 'female' or 'male', as well as by efforts to cope with societal concepts of beauty and attractiveness. These different – partly opposing - behavioural patterns were addressed at two levels: on the one hand I analysed the interplay of the different characters in the film produced in class: the two gangs of girls, the kidnapper and the Back Street Boys, who serve the symbolic function of representing different facets of these aspects and on the other hand I analysed the interactions taking place at the work-group level.

Coping with and discussing the issue of lesbianism were key topics among the girls studied. Although the issue had been addressed at the onset of the school year at the work-group level as well as in the film, this mostly occurred at obscured, latent levels of meaning and only in connection with hetero-erotic facets of sexual fantasies. Towards the end of the school year the topic was also addressed explicitly at the level of awareness: The girls filmed each other e.g. while kissing on the sofa and commented on this by saying for instance: „now we finally have proof that you are lesbian" or „this is Steffie, eleven years old and lesbian". This offensive use of the term 'lesbian' on the one hand points to the acquisition of an expression which originally had a negative connotation; on the other hand the use of the term seems to arise from the speaker's need to use an unambiguous term. As a consequence the girls' unspecified dealing with the issue of sexuality which earlier had been marked by changes between the two orientations of hetero- and homosexuality had now reached at point at which girls could be classified as having the one or the other orientation; thus dealing with the issue of sexuality has become part of the discourse on cultural norms. The implications of these observations for a discussion of their educational aspects will be addressed by Jutta Hartmann.

The strategies applied by the girls in coping with sexual fantasies and wishes show that in early adolescence there are more facets to the girls' fantasies than at a later stage and this wide range of facets exceeds the level social offerings that are available to cope with them. Identifying oneself with male-defined gender roles, with female homosexuality and accepting one's own aggressive potential represent those facets of sexuality which play a key role in the lives of girls in early adolescence. To cope with their sexual fantasies and desires girls not only resort to generally accepted social standards such as stereotyped attitudes and norms but particularly they make use of the forms of youth culture which are available as part of social offerings, e.g. they respond to fan-culture. Its functions and effects will in the following be addressed by Bettina Fritzsche.

Generally it can be stated that the social offerings available are not designed to help adolescents cope with their tendency to deviate from stereotypes and societal norms. However, one of the key findings of my study was that girls are able to redefine societal norms and cultural attractions by acting them out and – if they are given the opportunity to do so – to use them to create their own concepts of life.

Kristina Hackmann has already given some insights into adolescence as a period of transition that is marked by a variety of „changing search moves" and by playful and yet wilful forms of coping with hetero-normative expectations. I will pick up on this perspective and address an area of culture that is commonly considered to be the source of reproduction of hetero-normative stereotypes: Popular culture and in particular pop music is dominated by a glorification of romantic, heterosexual love. The enthusiasm particularly of girls about this issue has aroused general suspicion, not only among feminists. It appears that the fans adoring pop groups are mostly girls aged about 8-15. I will in the following present an empirical study which explores the girls' fan-culture as site of coping with society's normative expectations. In the study I focused on adolescents who adore gender-homogenous „boy bands" and „girl bands" because it appears that the performances of such bands center around the conveyance of specific concepts of masculinity and femininity (in this paper I will concentrate on fans of boy bands; for the findings of the study see Fritzsche 2003.)

The following statements are based on a qualitative-reconstructive study. Under this study 27 girls aged 10-17 who described themselves as fans or ex-fans of a boy band or a girl band were either interviewed individually in narrative interviews or expressed their views in group discussions. The reconstructive approach adopted in the analysis of the interviews was the method of documentary interpretation. This method is designed to reconstruct the experienced knowledge and orientations of the respondents. Experienced knowledge comprises the non-theoretical knowledge which is acquired in everyday life and which – in turn – also organises everyday life. Consequently it can be assumed that the experienced knowledge acquired is reflected in the respondents' narrations and descriptions of their everyday life.

The findings obtained suggest that the multiple forms of fan culture e.g. collecting and exchanging fan articles, talking about the bands within the group of girls, going to concerts and dancing to the music of the respective band, serve the function of guiding adolescents in negotiating the expectations accompanying the transition from childhood to adolescence. Girls concern themselves with questions related to their own taste and style, with the presentation of their body, with their relationship to their peers, and in particular they concern themselves with questions related to gender identity and desire.

The study shows, that especially the fans of boy bands negotiate within their fan-culture the expectation of society that they develop a desire for the opposite sex during adolescence, also they explicitly expressed an erotic interest in the members of a specific band.

The fact that the girls adoring boy bands develop a heterosexual interest in the members of the band corresponds with the intentions of those who compose those bands - In general boy bands are composed of attractive young men who give the impression of looking for a permanent heterosexual relationship.

It was particularly striking that the female fans of boy bands did not describe their heterosexual interest in the members of the band as naturally emerging emotions but rather as a tricky balancing act which allows an approach to heterosexual love and meanwhile avoids the risks going along with a first heterosexual relationship. Viewed from this perspective, fan culture provides the opportunity of a performative encircling of a 'sexually mature' heterosexual identity which is marked by complex moves between approach and dissociation: The girls experience their first romantic feelings which are directed at symbolic male figures: The members of the boy band appear as shining stars on the horizon who represent the one day successfully fulfilled 'task' of having a happy heterosexual relationship. While on their way to this stage, the fan culture activities carried out jointly by the group of girls offer the opportunity of negotiating potential risks and disappointments involved in heterosexual relationships.

Thus the findings obtained in the study endorse Judith Butler's statements on the brittleness of the heterosexual matrix according to which a certain physical appearance allows specific assumptions about a person's gender and desire. Butler points out that this automatism must be attributed to the constant repeat of the same gender norms at the discursive and performative level which has a naturalising effect, thus obscuring the artificiality of these norms. Considering the findings of my study, the thesis can be evolved that the brittleness of a coherent gender identity - which may not be noticed by adults because of the naturalising effects mentioned above – may be much more obvious with twelve-year-old youths. Although the transition period between childhood and adolescence is marked by uncertainties and fears, it also provides the opportunity of being creative in handling social rules. To give you an example of the creativity girls developed as part of fan culture I will in the following present the group 'Backstreet Girls'.

The group is composed of girls from Berlin aged about 12-13 who are of Turkish and Kurdish origin. They have set up a dance-group to imitate the „Backstreet Boys".

They mainly performed at street parties or youth centers and their permanent audience was mostly composed of teenage girls. In a group discussion the group stressed that they preferred a female audience: At the band's performances males were only admitted symbolically, i.e. through the girls' imitation of the Backstreet Boys.

As may be seen in a video recording of one of the group's performances, the female dancers on stage took on the roles of adored male stars with great ease and pleasure. In this playful re-enactment of an extremely romantically charged situation, masculinity is only exhibited indirectly through the use of male names: The girls use the names of the Backstreet Boys.

The performances of the Backstreet Girls posing as the Backstreet Boys generated feelings and wishes in the adoring female audience which are outside the hegemonial dichotomic concepts of female/male and homosexual/heterosexual.

Being involved in this collective performance among girls allowed the participants to gain first experiences in romantic love without having to deal with boys who are described in the interview as troublemakers. The risks involved in heterosexual relationships, e.g. loss of control or being stigmatised as too childish or as being a slut and particularly the threatening towards the cohesion of the group of girls, had been largely excluded at these collective cultural events. And in addition to this the symbolic masculinity of the girls on stage who used male names prevented the participants from being labelled as homosexual.

Along these lines it can be stated that at least to some extent the „Backstreet Girls" succeeded in evading the demands of the social norm of heterosexuality, but they could not suspend it entirely: Hence they continue to be exposed to the threat that they will be sanctioned if they handle the norm of heterosexuality too unconventionally.

It seems that fan culture provides youths with the opportunity to deal with social norms which dominate the transition period from childhood to adolescence in a variety of ways; this specific youth culture may also be used for taking a willful or even subversive position toward the norm of heterosexuality in particular. Nevertheless many cultural activities of teenage fans can hardly be incorporated into the dichotomous concept of resistant/conformist. Therefore I am concluding this presentation by suggesting that 'being a fan' should be viewed as a cultural activity, which does not necessarily generate resistance, but which provides the opportunity to act in a wilful and rebellious manner during a biographical period of habitual uncertainty. Being a fan offers teenagers room for experimenting, which they experience as empowering and which may encourage them to resist certain demands placed on them.

I like to introduce the term diverse ways of life into educational discourse because I think it is important to take a closer look at the tensions that have been described in the two previously presented studies, which concern how adolescents are torn between their wish for self determined expansion of their self-concepts and the pressures of limiting social demands such as the norm of heterosexuality; thus between notions of pluralization and standardization of identities. I will focus in my discussion on the dynamics inherent in these tensions, specifically those that move dominant boundaries and norms as they relate to masculinity/femininity and homo/heterosexuality.

Conceptual terms must be viewed as flexible thinking tools which help to condense insights about social realities. When committed to critical knowledge production, terminology aims to contribute to a better understanding and improvement of the world. I offer the term diverse ways of life as a foundation upon which educational research and practice can engage observable dynamics such as the fluency of homo- and heterosexuality as well as make them possible.

Based upon my own theoretical and discourse-analytical research (cf. Hartmann 2001 and 2002) and the empirical findings described above, I develop the term diverse ways of life. This term is informed by and encompasses the following essential elements:

(1) the notion of a heterosexual matrix (cf. Butler 1991 and 1995);

This concept is based on the insight that the prevailing discourse on gender is dominated by heterosexuality in two respects: On the one hand this discourse proceeds on the assumption that there are two clearly distinguishable, mutually exclusive and complementary genders; on the other hand heterosexuality is viewed as natural and the standard form of sexuality. However, an analysis of ‚two-genderedness‘ and ‚heterosexuality‘ reveals that these are actually achievements and accomplishments which are constructed in and through commonplace activities and social norms. Against this background the categories of gender and sexuality lose their presumed feature of being 'natural' and are now perceived as procedural and cultural concepts. Hence, the term diverse ways of life signals a critical intervention into the general acceptance of the prevailing heterosexual matrix as well as into related practices that establish and conceal persisting power imbalances.

(2) a deconstructive perspective onto the reference systems of gender and sexuality;

Following Jacques Derrida (1986), this perspective stresses the violent hierarchy of oppositions and of dualities such as heterosexuality/homosexuality and man/woman. Their inherent hierarchical nature are critically analysed. In line with the concept of deconstruction, the constitutive dependence of the one term on the other is stressed. Processes of exclusions are addressed; moves between the dualities are observed and shifts are encouraged. Hence the term diverse ways of life is an attempt to mark ambiguities conceptually and thus to counter the tendency towards describing an identity unambiguously. Instead, the potential of shifting between and redefining gendered and sexual subject positions is underlined. In this way the 'flowing' characteristics and the procedural nature of an identity – as opposed to its 'fixed' and pre-formed features – are highlighted.

(3) the discourse-analytical assumption that reality and discourse are interconnected (cf. Bublitz 1998);

The term I introduce to the discussion is based on understanding gendered and sexual identity as discursively produced. This view proceeds from the epistemological assumption that everything we perceive, think, feel or do is predetermined by our language, our cultural system of symbols and, hence, is socially constructed. Accordingly, gender and sexuality are actually lived ways of thinking, feeling and acting as well as bodily practices. They can be understood as materialized effects of discursive processes (cf. Maihofer 1995). Hence the term diverse ways of life marks an understanding that seeks to denaturalise and de-essentialize gendered and sexual identities. The concept of subjectivity that informs this term exceeds the problematic binary of voluntarism vs. essentialism. This binary is based upon the philosophical opposition between free will and determinism (cf. Butler 1991). Such differentiation is incapable of capturing the complex psycho-social processes at stake in human subject formation. The term diverse ways of life emphasises the self-activities of subjects instead. These activities do not exist, however, outside of dominant discourses but instead are constitutively linked to them. Hence the concept of diverse ways of life is designed to help resist a false naturalistic conclusion that may arise from the persistent manner in which feelings, experiences and physicalness are constituted in line with hegemonial discourses.

Educational and pedagogy theory are themselves discursive concepts. They not only concern themselves with a variety of lifestyles and forms of existence, nor do they just describe these but instead take part in generating these.

The knowing subject, critical pedagogy and educational theory do not simply face prevailing social conditions. Rather, through the discourses and terms governing them, these fields are actively involved in the production of 'truths' and of subject positions. Moreover, they are involved in making possible or impossible the critical analysis of these ‘truths’ and the ability to shift subject positions. According to discourse analysis, by way of their theories pedagogy and education shape the self-concept of individuals and thus are contributing to the emergence of different ways of life. From the constructive force of educational discourses arises a challenge for educators, namely to sensitise themselves for how their own discourses participate in the production and maintenance of the heterosexual matrix. Beyond that, educators must a) increasingly exercise discourse analytical criticism and b) unsettle the prevailing order at work in pedagogical and educational discourse (cf. Reich 1997).

Accordingly all educational practitioners and theorists – irrespective of their own lifestyle – are asked to engage critically normative and non-normative genderedness and sexuality. They are also asked to critically reflect on how their own thinking and acting is based upon an unquestioned acceptance of normative theories. We have to ask ourselves the following questions: In which areas do our discourses simply reproduce prevailing norms? In which areas do our discourses consolidate a hegemonial understanding of the categories of gender and sexuality as dualities, thus restricting variety?

A pedagogy of diverse ways of life will help to adopt a new perspective. Such new perspective moves away from an identity-based orientation, which is dominated by the search for and a strenghtening of identity. Instead, a pedagogy of diverse ways of life moves towards an analysis of the constructed nature of identities and towards developing and shaping one's own identity in ways that scrutinize, extend and – in parts – exceed existing identity boundaries. In the following I will provide some guidelines towards achieving this goal.

Adopting a deconstructive attitude towards identity involves irritating prevailing certainties, taking on diverse perspectives and questioning exclusions.

One step towards reducing the pressure on individuals to position themselves unambiguously in terms of their gender and sexuality is not to exercise this pressure. Working with examples that are not inline with existing norms further undermine the imperative to position oneself unambiguously. Presenting such examples can arouse interest in more ambiguous and less clearly defined ways of being and living.

In regard to this point, I focus on diversity as a point of departure. This exceeds an additive approach to diversity, which maintains and reproduces divisions into the norm and its deviation, the general and the particular. An additive approach is at stake in schools, where homosexuality is only discussed after heterosexuality has been discussed extensively. Hence the conclusions that can be drawn is that moving away from what is normal and generally accepted towards what is diverse, multifaceted and particular will bring out unique features.

For a society in which it is a dominant procedure to hierarchise differences, it is insufficient to identify diversity or multifacetedness as a new goal that needs to be achieved in order to make individuals aware of existing imbalances of power and authority and to convince them that these balances need to be shifted, and removed, respectively. Given the prevailing hardened attitudes in society, the existing social imbalances and the power structure and distribution of authority in place, a pedagogic of diverse ways of life also addresses the issues of criticism and socio-political sensitisation.

The intention behind drawing the attention of the persons targeted by the educational approach to the constructed nature of identities is to call the impression of naturalness and normality into question. This could be a first step away from affirming pre-given identities towards making the boundaries between identities more fluid.

Perceived as an attitude, pedagogic of diverse ways of life is not restricted to maxims and reflections: It also finds expression in daily educational routines, e.g.

- in the availability of a large range of various ways of being and living which form the horizon of our actions of course
- in the ways educators deal with various ways of being and living at different stages of the education process and
- in the ease with which they take up topics for discussion as these present themselves.

The research of Kristina Hackmann and Bettina Fritzsche shows vividly that girls can provide educators with numerous opportunities to implement this pedagogical strategy if they are given the room to do so.

The key objectives I am pursuing in using the term diverse ways of life are: to make binary thinking more fluid in order to remove hierarchies; to conceptually define ambiguities and smooth transitions; and to open up new flexible 'spaces'. Correspondingly, a pedagogy of diverse ways of life focuses on calling into question prevailing conceptions of identity and normality; making more fluid the dualities of gender and sexuality: and making the mechanisms that lead to their construction the topic of educational discussion. This educational strategy seeks to acknowledge that boundaries between genders are flexible and to contribute to the development of a wide range of ways of being and living. Although this approach cannot completely eliminate nomative regulations and hegemonial discourses, it definitely leaves room for freedom and variety.

In view of the results obtained in empirical, discourse-analytical and theoretical studies we have identified the following trends in Educational Studies on Girlhood:

Amann, Klaus; Hirschauer, Stefan (1997): "Die Befremdung der eigenen Kultur. Ein Programm". In: Dies. (Hg.): Die Befremdung der eigenen Kultur. Zur ethnographischen Herausforderung soziologischer Empirie. Frankfurt a.M., S. 7-52

Belgrad, Jürgen (1996): "Detektivische Spurensuche und archäologische Sinnrekonstruktionen - Die tiefenhermeneutische Textinterpretation als literaturdidaktisches Verfahren". In: Belgrad, Jürgen; Melenk, Hartmut: Literarisches Verstehen - Literarisches Schreiben. Positionen und Modelle zur Literaturdidaktik. Hohengehren, S. 133-148

Brown, Lyn; Gilligan, Carol (1997): Die verlorene Stimme. Wendepunkte in der Entwicklung von Mädchen. München

Bublitz, Hannelore (1998, Hg.): Das Geschlecht der Moderne. Genealogie und Archäologie der Geschlechterdifferenz. Frankfurt a.M.

Butler, Judith (1991): Das Unbehagen der Geschlechter. Frankfurt a.M.

Butler, Judith (1995): Körper von Gewicht. Die diskursiven Grenzen des Geschlechts. Berlin

Deppermann, Arnulf (1999): Gespräche analysieren. Eine Einführung in konversationsanalytische Methoden. Opladen

Derrida, Jacques (1986): Positionen. Gespräche mit Henri Ronse, Julia Kristeva, Jean-Louis Houdebine, Guy Scarpettea. (Band 8). Wien

Flaake, Karin (1998): "Weibliche Adoleszenz - neue Möglichkeiten, alte Fallen? Widersprüche und Ambivalenzen in der Lebenssituation und den Orientierungen junger Frauen". In: Oechsle, Mechtild; Geissler, Birgit (Hg.): Die ungleiche Gleichheit. Junge Frauen und der Wandel im Geschlechterverhältnis. Opladen, S. 43-65

Flaake, Karin (2001): Körper, Sexualität und Geschlecht. Studien zur Adoleszenz junger Frauen. Gießen

Fritzsche, Bettina (2003): Pop-Fans. Studie einer Mädchenkultur. Opladen

Hackmann, Kristina (2003): Adoleszenz, Geschlecht und sexuelle Orientierungen. Opladen

Hartmann, Jutta (2001): "Bewegungsräume zwischen Kritischer Theorie und Poststrukturalismus. Eine Pädagogik vielfältiger Lebensweisen als Herausforderung für die Erziehungswissenschaft". In: Fritzsche, Bettina; Hartmann, Jutta; Schmidt, Andrea; Tervooren, Anja (Hg.): Dekonstruktive Pädagogik. Erziehungswissenschaftliche Debatten unter poststrukturalistischen Perspektiven. Opladen, S. 65-84

Hartmann, Jutta (2002): vielfältige Lebensweisen. Dynamisierungen in der Triade Geschlecht-Sexualität- Lebensform. Kritisch-dekonstruktive Perspektiven für die Pädagogik. Opladen

Haug, Frigga (1988, Hg.): Sexualisierung der Körper. Hamburg

Helfferich, Cornelia (1994): Jugend, Körper und Geschlecht. Die Suche nach sexueller Identität. Opladen

Hessische Mädchenstudie (1986): Zur Situation von Mädchen in der offenen Jugendarbeit in Hessen. Hessische Landesregierung (Hg.). Frankfurt a.M.

Hurrelmann, Klaus; Rosewitz, Bernd; Wolf, Hartmut K. (1985): Lebensphase Jugend. Eine Einführung in die sozialwissenschaftliche Jugendforschung. Weinheim, München

König, Hans-Dieter (1997): "Tiefenhermeneutik". In: Hitzler, Ronald; Honer, Anne (Hg.): Sozialwissenschaftliche Hermeneutik. Eine Einführung. Opladen, S. 213-244

Maihofer, Andrea (1995): Geschlecht als Existenzweise. Frankfurt a.M.

Reich, Kersten (1997): Systemisch-konstruktivistische Pädagogik. Einführung in Grundlagen einer interaktionistisch-konstruktivistischen Pädagogik. 2. durchges. Aufl. Neuwied; Keiftel; Berlin

Stein-Hilbers, Marlene (2000): Sexuell werden. Sexuelle Sozialisation und Geschlechterverhältnisse. Opladen

Notes:

This document was added to the Education-line database on 12 November 2004